On December 11, 2025, the Bulgarian government announced its resignation. This happened after two demonstrations on December 1 and 10, which were huge for the scale of Bulgaria and covered all major cities. The government was officially composed of three parties: GERB (which had dominated political life for the past 15 years), ITN (led by a populist showman), and the Bulgarian Socialist Party (don’t be fooled by the word “socialism” in the party’s name; the party has nothing to do with socialism). In order to obtain a majority in parliament, the government was supported by DPS-NN, led by Delian Peevski, who is considered one of the most influential people in Bulgaria. The government followed a consistent policy of subservience to the EU, NATO, and the US (as it has almost always done for the past 35 years) and did everything possible to bring the country into the eurozone, which is expected to happen on January 1, 2026.
Domestically, it maintained the basic line of the last 35 years, following the interests of big comprador and international capital at the expense of workers. At the same time, it continued the trend of previous governments of allocating large funds to the police and the army, thus insuring itself against future protests and riots. The line of confrontation with Russia and military support for Ukraine also remained unchanged. Undoubtedly, from the point of view of the communist and anti-imperialist forces, Rosen Zhelyazkov’s government was a direct opponent.
The primary reason for the protests was the proposed budget for 2026, which is expected to be the first budget in euros. Paradoxically, the initial criticism of the budget came from the right, claiming that the budget was too “leftist.” It included measures such as an increase in the tax on dividends and the maximum social security threshold. The so-called “employers’ organizations” (something like “unions” of capitalists) immediately opposed the budget and even boycotted and did not participate in the traditional Bulgarian “tripartite council” (which takes place before the budget is adopted, between representatives of workers, employers, and the state). The opposition parties, especially the most pro-European and pro-American coalition (“We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria”), launched an active campaign against the budget.
A massive campaign was launched to encourage participation in the protest against the budget planned for December 1. All major television stations advertised the event. Everyone associated with George Soros’ foundations, the European Union, and the United States became active in supporting this protest. There are various objective social problems in the country that made people quite inclined to come out en masse to protest against the government. In the months leading up to the expected adoption of the euro, inflation is reaching enormous proportions. Prices are rising sharply every day.
The size of the demonstration on December 1 surprised even its organizers. In total, over 100,000 people protested in all cities, something rarely seen in Bulgaria. Many young people joined the protests, to whom the message was actually directed. Unfortunately, a number of weaknesses in Bulgarian social and political life in recent years were also evident, such as the problem with the level of political culture and literacy. The main slogans did not go beyond demands for the government to resign and personal attacks on leading political figures. Only representatives of the liberal pro-American opposition and even some semi-fascist figures spoke from the official stage of the protest. The stage openly called for a ban on communist ideology (“lustration” in their words), persecution of “agents of Russia” and “Maidanization” of Bulgaria. Although various people joined the protest, including opponents of imperialism, European integration, and the introduction of the euro, the main tone of the demonstration in Sofia remained in line with the tastes of right-wing and anti-communist forces. Paradoxically, the right-wing pro-American and pro-EU government was criticized by the right-wing pro-American and pro-EU opposition for not being sufficiently supportive of what is called “Euro-Atlanticism” in Bulgaria and for not providing sufficient support to the regime in Ukraine. There were even provocations and scenes of violence.
Outside the capital Sofia, where the reaction is not as strong, the situation was slightly different. In some places, reasonable demands could be seen, and even some against our country’s entry into the eurozone. Unfortunately, Bulgaria is too centralized politically, and the main resonance comes from what is happening in the center of the capital, where pro-imperialist forces are strongest.
The main organizers of the demonstration from the liberal pro-Western opposition were intoxicated by the success of the protest and changed their demand from the withdrawal of the 2026 budget to the resignation of the government. A second protest was scheduled for December 10, 2026.
The communist, revolutionary, and anti-imperialist forces were faced with the question of how to respond to these events. It was clear that these demonstrations were attended by a huge number of ordinary people who should not be left in the hands of the liberal and extreme right-wingers who were leading these protests. Supporting the government was out of the question because of its deeply anti-popular nature. Some, such as the Revival Party (which has made a significant contribution to the Bulgarian people’s struggle against joining the eurozone, criticizing the sending of weapons to Ukraine and Bulgaria’s colonial position), called on their followers to join the anti-government protests, emphasizing the anti-popular nature of the government. Others, such as the September 23 Movement, tried to use the crowds to spread the message of the need to fight to the end against the adoption of the euro in Bulgaria and against the country’s imperialist dependence. Before the second protest on December 10, there was tension and threats (mainly on the internet) calling for opponents of NATO and the EU to be kept out of the demonstration.
In the end, the second protest on December 10 drew no fewer people than the first. The situation in Sofia was similar—the participants in the protest were diverse, but the stage was dominated by various reactionary forces. Neo-fascist groups brought a huge poster with the words “This is not Moscow,” with the Russian flag and the letter Ζ crossed out. Anti-imperialist forces were present with their own bloc at the protest. Again, in other cities, there were also calls for the preservation of the national currency that could be seen among the other slogans.
The day after the second demonstrations, the government decided to resign. Some declared this to be a “victory for the people,” while others saw various behind-the-scenes games being played between the leading political figures. There are sufficient grounds for these events to be viewed both as a popular uprising against the political elite and, at the same time, as an attempt at a “color revolution” and a “Maidan” – elements of both were present in the Bulgarian squares. The resignation of the government at this point, on the other hand, means that no one will take political responsibility for the huge inflation we expect in connection with the adoption of the euro on January 1, 2026. On the other hand, this leaves opportunities for anti-imperialist forces to make every effort to prevent entry into the eurozone, which has been the most important struggle of the Bulgarian people in recent years.
In any case, trust in the existing system has been seriously shaken and there is a search for alternatives. It is all a matter of sufficient organization to bring about the necessary transformations that will free the Bulgarian people from the capitalist system and colonial dependence on imperialist forces.
