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English
To the World Anti-Imperialist Platform – The Current World Situation and the Immediate Tasks of the International Communist Forces
Finding the right solution to the following theoretical and practical problems for the unity and practical struggle of the world’s anti-imperialist forces, including the communist forces, is more important today than ever, when the war is already being waged in Eastern Europe and just before the wars in East Asia.
In relation to the war in Eastern Europe, the Ukraine War, a controversial issue with the nature of the war is the character of Russian society; similarly, concerning the Taiwan War and the South Korean War, the character of Chinese society is also the issue with the nature of the wars.
Regarding the nature of the war in Ukraine, the theory of “inter-imperialist war” and the theory of liberation and preventive war stand in opposition to one another. In the background of this confrontation is the question of the character of Russian society in which two theories, the theory of “Russian imperialism” and the theory of Russian capitalism, oppose each other likewise. The theory of “inter-imperialist war” naturally presupposes the idea of “Russian imperialism”, while the theory of liberation and preventive war generally rejects the theory of “Russian imperialism” and acknowledges the theory of Russian capitalism. Liberation and preventive war theory views that this war as a liberation war from the conditions of massacres and the oppression of Russian-speaking people in Ukraine, including Donbas, as well as the preventive or self-defensive war against a U.S/NATO invasion of Russia with the Ukrainian forces in the lead.
The theoretical limitations and errors of the theory of “Russian imperialism” are clear. It has not been satisfactorily proven by the proponents of this theory that Russia meets the core economic characteristics of imperialism specified in Lenin’s “Theory of Imperialism”, which are a financial oligarchy, economic division of the world, and the territorial division of the world among the imperialist powers, etc. It cannot refute the view that key reasons why imperialists have colonies, according to theory of contemporary imperialism, because they are advantageous investment markets of capital, markets of surplus goods, suppliers of cheap raw materials and labor. These don’t apply to Russia and sometimes, even stand in opposition to its reality.
Those who insist on the theory of “Russian imperialism” mostly also support the theory defining China as imperialist. Repeating the same analytical errors, they intentionally disregard the essential socialist features which are especially guidance of the communist party and all people’s ownership of the most important means of production in China. In some extreme cases, they even go so far as to put forward the theory that Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is an imperialist country. Not everyone who affirms the theory considering China as imperialist considers the Taiwan war an imperialist war, but the fact that one of the initiating forces of the international communist movement defines the Ukraine war, the Taiwan war and even the South Korean war as imperialist wars is a serious problem that must not be overlooked. Not only the fatherland reunification war of Korea (which has been a single nation-state for 5000 years), the South Korean liberation war to drive out the U.S. imperialist aggressive forces that have forcibly occupied South Korea, also the fatherland reunification war of China, which aims to liberate Taiwan(a part of China since the end of Middle Ages), the Taiwan liberation war, are both national liberation wars.
The extremists, who consider that not only Russia and socialist China and but even the DPRK, the most thorough socialist country, are imperialist, naturally regard socialist Cuba as imperialist also. Therefore, it comes as no surprise at all that they see Iran and Venezuela, Rwanda and Mozambique as imperialist countries likewise. To them, capitalism means imperialism. Even a socialist country, if it has markets and trade, it is capitalist and therefore imperialist. This is a blanket denial against “the highest stage of capitalism” as the essential definition of imperialism. Absolutely, it is no wonder that such non-dialectical and metaphysical thinking, which denies the historical stages, based on subjectivism, leads its exponents to fall into the trap of this schematism.
Those who take as their starting point the idea of ‘Russian imperialism’ fail in practice to meet the tasks of the present era, and fall back on comforting parallels with World War Two and the ‘anti-fascist alliance’ of that period. They don’t see the fact as it is, that the united front, which the socialist DPRK and China have built with Russia, is the world anti-imperialist front. Because the main targets of the world anti-fascist front that was built during the Second World War were fascism in Germany, Italy and Japan. If the wars break out in East Asia as well which will be called the Third World War, about this war, the main targets will be the USA, the EU, and the Japanese imperialists, so the united front will be the world anti-imperialist front. The South Korean war and the Taiwan war are liberation wars both against US imperialism. When looking at its surface, the Ukraine war could be regarded as an anti-fascist war that fights against the neo-Nazi fascist forces. But in its essence, it is the anti-imperialist war that fights against NATO. The Neo-Nazis are a marionette of NATO. The main target, a strategic target is NATO, and the neo-Nazis are the secondary target, a tactical target. Defining the nature of the war must be achieved by identifying the main target, i.e. the strategic target. The same is true of South Korean situation. Fascism is the ruling method of the imperialist forces. Imperialists control the working class including the working masses sometimes through fascism, and sometimes through reformism. The US imperialists have used fascism mixed with reformism in their methods of dominating South Korea. However, neither the US nor the British imperialists have so far ever had to rule their own their working class and working people through fascism. Today’s international issue is imperialism, not fascism. Fascism is domestic issue in some countries of the world, and is very limited.
Today, the revolutionary struggle on a global scale which the international communist forces have to lead is the anti-imperialist struggle.
The international communist forces must maintain their own identity as the revolutionary forces of the working class in their own countries, however, at the same time, they must build united fronts rallying other forces under the banner of anti-imperialism and conduct joint action both in their own countries and internationally. That is to say forming the world anti-imperialist united front and developing the world anti-imperialist joint action.
The World Anti-imperialist platform must take the role of a locomotive force for organizing this united front and joint action. In the present conditions of anti-imperialist war being waged in East Europe and with the imminent approach of a decisive anti-imperialist war in East Asia, we are confident that the world anti-imperialist forces as well as the international communist forces can finally gloriously move forward the victory of world anti-imperialist revolution by playing the most important political role in organizing broad working class and working masses as one, and powerfully mobilizing them into a struggle that can decisively hit imperialist forces.
Korean
세계반제플랫포옴으로 – 현정세와 국제공동주의세력의 당면과업
동유럽에서 전쟁이 진행되고있고 동아시아에서 전쟁이 시작되기직전인 오늘 어느때보다도 공동주의세력을 비롯한 세계반제세력의 단결과 실천투쟁을 위해 다음과 같은 이론실천적문제에 올바른 해답을 찾는것이 무엇보다 중요하다.
동유럽에서의 전쟁, 곧 우크라이나전과 관련해서는 그전쟁의 성격과 함께 러시아사회의 성격이 쟁점이고 동아시아에서의 전쟁, 곧 대만전과 남코리아전과 관련해서는 역시 그전쟁의 성격과 함께 중국사회의 성격이 쟁점이다.
우크라이나전의 성격에 대해서는 제국주의전쟁론과 해방및예방전쟁론이 대립하고 그배경이 되는 러시아사회성격에 대해서는 러시아제국주의론과 러시아자본주의론이 대립한다. 제국주의전쟁론은 당연히 러시아제국주의론을 전제로 하고 해방및예방전쟁론은 대체로 러시아제국주의론을 부정하고 러시아자본주의론을 인정한다. 해방및예방전쟁론은 돈바스를 비롯한 우크라이나내의 러시아언어를 쓰는 민중들을 학살하고 탄압하는 조건으로부터의 해방, 미군을 비롯한 나토군이 우크라이나군을 앞세워 러시아를 침공할데 대한 예방 혹은 자위의 전쟁이라는 견해다. 해방및예방전쟁론을 주장한다고 모두 러시아제국주의론을 부정하는것은 아니지만 대부분은 러시아자본주의론을 인정한다.
러시아제국주의론의 이론적 한계와 오류는 분명하다. 러시아가 레닌의 <제국주의론>에 명시된 제국주의의 경제적특징들중 핵심인 금융과두, 세계경제분할, 세계영토분할등에 부합한다고 증명하지못하고있다. 현대제국주의론에서 제국주의가 식민지를 만드는 핵심적이유들인 유리한 자본의 투하처, 잉여상품의 판매처, 값싼 원료및노동력의 공급처등과 관련해서도 러시아가 해당하지않을뿐 아니라 때로 정반대라는 견해를 제대로 반박하지못한다.
러시아제국주의론자들은 대체로 중국제국주의론자들이다. 역시 같은 분석상의 오류를 반복하며 중국에서 특히 공산당의 영도와 중요생산수단의 전민소유화라는 본질적인 사회주의징표를 의도적으로 무시하고있다. 극단적인 경우, 심지어 조선민주주의인민공화국제국주의론까지 주장하고있다. 중국제국주의론자들이 모두 대만전을 제국주의전으로 보는것은 아니지만 국제공동주의운동의 주도세력중 하나가 우크라이나전과 대만전, 나아가 남코리아전까지 제국주의전쟁으로 규정한다는 사실은 절대로 간과할수 없는 심각한 문제다. 5000년단일민족국가인 코리아의 조국통일전쟁, 남코리아를 강점한 미제침략세력을 몰아내는 남코리아해방전쟁은 물론이고 중세말엽부터 중국의 일부였던 대만을 상대로 한 중국의 조국통일전쟁, 대만해방전쟁도 모두 민족해방전쟁이다.
러시아는 물론이고 사회주의중국이나 가장 철저한 사회주의국가인 조선민주주의인민공화국을 제국주의로 보는 극단주의자들은 당연히 사회주의쿠바도 그렇게 본다. 그러니 이란과 베네수엘라, 르완다와 모잠비크를 제국주의로 보는 것이 전혀 놀랍지않다. 이들에게 자본주의는 곧 제국주의다. 사회주의나라도 시장과 무역이 존재하면 곧 자본주의고 제국주의다. 이는 레닌의 <자본주의의 최고단계>라는 <제국주의론>의 본질적규정에 대한 전면적인 부정이다. 역사적단계를 부정하는 비변증법적이고 형이상학적인 사고가 주관주의에 기초해 도식주의의 함정에 빠지는것은 결코 놀라운 일이 아니다.
러시아제국주의론을 전제로 한다면 실천적으로 세계반파쇼전선론이상의 견해를 내올수 없다. 조선민주주의인민공화국과 중국이라는 사회주의국가들이 러시아와 함께 형성하고있는 전선이 세계반제전선이라는 사실을 있는 그대로 보지못한다. 2차세계대전시기 형성된 세계반파쇼전선은 주적이 독일·이탈리아·일본파시즘이었기때문이다. 동아시아전쟁이 터지면 3차세계대전으로 불리게 될 이전쟁에서 주적은 미·유럽·일본제국주의가 되는만큼 형성되는 전선은 세계반제전선이다. 남코리아전과 대만전은 모두 미제국주의와 맞서 벌이는 남코리아해방전쟁, 대만해방전쟁이다. 우크라이나전도 현상적으로는 신나치파쇼세력과 싸우는 반파쇼전처럼 보이지만 본질적으로는 나토와 싸우는 반제전이다. 신나치는 나토의 꼭두각시다. 나토가 주타격대상, 전략적타격대상이고 신나치는 보조타격대상, 전술적타격대상이다. 전쟁의 성격은 주타격대상, 전략적타격대상을 위주로 규정한다. 이는 남코리아와 관련해서도 마찬가지다. 파시즘은 제국주의세력의 지배방식이다. 제국주의는 때로 파시즘으로, 때로 개량주의로 노동계급을 비롯한 근로민중을 지배한다. 미제국주의는 남코리아를 지배하는 방식에서 파시즘과 개량주의를 혼용해왔다. 하지만 미·영제국주의는 자국내 노동계급을 비롯한 근로민중을 파시즘으로 지배한적이 없다. 오늘 국제적이슈는 제국주의지 파시즘이 아니다. 파시즘은 극히 제한된 일부나라의 국내적이슈다.
당면해서 국제공동주의세력이 주도해야할 세계적범위의 혁명투쟁은 반제투쟁이다. 국제공동주의세력이 자국내에서 노동계급의 혁명세력으로서의 독자성을 견지하면서도 자국내에서와 세계적으로 반제국주의의 기치아래 다른 세력들을 규합하며 통일전선을 형성하고 공동행동을 전개해야한다. 바로 세계반제통일전선의 형성, 세계반제공동행동의 전개다.
세계반제플랫포옴은 바로 이 통일전선과 공동행동을 조직하는데서 기관차의 역할을 수행해야한다. 현재 진행중인 동유럽에서의 첨예한 반제전쟁, 임박한 동아시아에서의 결정적인 반제전쟁에서 국제공동주의세력을 비롯한 세계반제세력은 제국주의세력에게 결정적인 타격을 하는 투쟁에로 광범한 노동계급과 근로민중을 하나로 조직하고 힘있게 동원하는데서 가장 중요한 정치적인 역할을 함으로써 세계반제혁명의 승리를 빛나게 앞당겨야 할것이다.
French
A la plate-forme mondiale anti-impérialiste – La situation mondiale actuelle et les tâches immédiates des forces communistes internationales.
Il est très important de trouver la bonne solution aux problèmes théoriques et pratiques suivants car l’unité et la lutte pratique des forces anti-impérialistes du monde, y compris les forces communistes, sont plus importantes aujourd’hui que jamais, alors que la guerre est déjà menée en Europe de l’Est et juste avant les guerres en Asie de l’Est.
En ce qui concerne la guerre en Europe de l’Est, la guerre d’Ukraine, une question controversée avec la nature de la guerre est le caractère de la société russe ; de même, concernant la guerre de Taïwan et la guerre de Corée du Sud, le caractère de la société chinoise est également la question avec la nature des guerres.
Concernant la nature de la guerre en Ukraine, la théorie de la “guerre inter-impérialiste” et la théorie de la libération et de la guerre préventive s’opposent l’une à l’autre. A l’arrière-plan de cette confrontation se trouve la question du caractère de la société russe dans laquelle deux théories, la théorie de “l’impérialisme russe” et la théorie du capitalisme russe, s’opposent pareillement. La théorie de la “guerre inter-impérialiste” présuppose naturellement l’idée de l’”impérialisme russe”, tandis que la théorie de la libération et de la guerre préventive rejette généralement la théorie de l’”impérialisme russe” et reconnaît la théorie du capitalisme russe. La théorie de la libération et de la guerre préventive considère que cette guerre comme une guerre de libération des conditions de massacres et de l’oppression des russophones en Ukraine, y compris Donbas, ainsi que la guerre préventive ou d’autodéfense contre une invasion de la Russie par les États-Unis et l’OTAN avec les forces ukrainiennes en tête.
Les limites et les erreurs théoriques de la théorie de “l’impérialisme russe” sont claires. Il n’a pas été prouvé de manière satisfaisante par les partisans de cette théorie que la Russie répond aux caractéristiques économiques fondamentales de l’impérialisme spécifiées dans la “Théorie de l’impérialisme” de Lénine, qui sont une oligarchie financière, la division économique du monde, et la division territoriale du monde entre les puissances impérialistes, etc. Il ne peut réfuter le point de vue selon lequel les principales raisons pour lesquelles les impérialistes ont des colonies, selon la théorie de l’impérialisme contemporain, parce qu’elles sont des marchés d’investissement avantageux de capitaux, des marchés de biens excédentaires, des fournisseurs de matières premières et de main-d’œuvre bon marché. Ces raisons ne s’appliquent pas à la Russie et parfois, elles sont même en contradiction avec sa réalité.
Ceux qui insistent sur la théorie de “l’impérialisme russe” soutiennent également, pour la plupart, la théorie définissant la Chine comme impérialiste. Répétant les mêmes erreurs d’analyse, ils ignorent intentionnellement les caractéristiques socialistes essentielles que sont notamment la direction du parti communiste et la propriété par tout le peuple des moyens de production les plus importants en Chine. Dans certains cas extrêmes, ils vont même jusqu’à avancer la théorie selon laquelle la République populaire démocratique de Corée est un pays impérialiste. Tous ceux qui affirment la théorie considérant la Chine comme impérialiste ne considèrent pas la guerre de Taïwan comme une guerre impérialiste, mais le fait que l’une des forces initiatrices du mouvement communiste international définisse la guerre d’Ukraine, la guerre de Taïwan et même la guerre de Corée du Sud comme des guerres impérialistes est un problème sérieux qui ne doit pas être négligé. Non seulement la guerre de réunification de la patrie de la Corée (qui a été un seul État-nation pendant 5000 ans), la guerre de libération de la Corée du Sud pour chasser les forces agressives impérialistes américaines qui ont occupé de force la Corée du Sud, également la guerre de réunification de la patrie de la Chine, qui vise à libérer Taïwan(une partie de la Chine depuis la fin du Moyen Âge), la guerre de libération de Taïwan, sont toutes deux des guerres de libération nationale.
Les extrémistes, qui considèrent que non seulement la Russie et la Chine socialiste, mais même la RPDC, le pays socialiste le plus complet, sont impérialistes, considèrent naturellement que Cuba socialiste est également impérialiste. Il n’est donc pas du tout surprenant qu’ils considèrent l’Iran et le Venezuela, le Rwanda et le Mozambique comme des pays impérialistes également. Pour eux, capitalisme signifie impérialisme. Même un pays socialiste, s’il a des marchés et du commerce, est capitaliste et donc impérialiste. Il s’agit d’une négation générale de “l’étape la plus élevée du capitalisme” comme définition essentielle de l’impérialisme. Absolument, il n’est pas étonnant qu’une telle pensée non dialectique et métaphysique, qui nie les étapes historiques, fondée sur le subjectivisme, conduise ses exposants à tomber dans le piège de ce schématisme.
Ceux qui prennent comme point de départ l’idée de “l’impérialisme russe” ne parviennent pas, dans la pratique, à faire face aux tâches de l’époque actuelle et se rabattent sur des parallèles réconfortants avec la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l’”alliance antifasciste” de cette période. Ils ne voient pas le fait tel qu’il est, à savoir que le front uni, que la RPDC socialiste et la Chine ont construit avec la Russie, est le front anti-impérialiste mondial. Parce que les principales cibles du front mondial anti-fasciste qui a été construit pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale étaient le fascisme en Allemagne, en Italie et au Japon. Si les guerres éclatent également en Asie de l’Est, ce qui sera appelé la troisième guerre mondiale, les principales cibles de cette guerre seront les États-Unis, l’Union européenne et les impérialistes japonais, et le front uni sera donc le front anti-impérialiste mondial. La guerre de Corée du Sud et la guerre de Taiwan sont des guerres de libération, toutes deux contre l’impérialisme américain. En apparence, la guerre en Ukraine pourrait être considérée comme une guerre antifasciste qui lutte contre les forces fascistes néonazies. Mais dans son essence, c’est une guerre anti-impérialiste qui se bat contre l’OTAN. Les néo-nazis sont une marionnette de l’OTAN. L’OTAN est une cible principale, une cible stratégique, et les néo-nazis sont une cible secondaire, une cible tactique. La définition de la nature de la guerre doit passer par l’identification de la cible principale, c’est-à-dire la cible stratégique. Il en va de même pour la situation en Corée du Sud. Le fascisme est la méthode de domination des forces impérialistes. Les impérialistes contrôlent la classe ouvrière, y compris les masses laborieuses, tantôt par le fascisme, tantôt par le réformisme. Les impérialistes américains ont utilisé le fascisme mélangé au réformisme dans leurs méthodes de domination de la Corée du Sud. Cependant, ni les impérialistes américains ni les impérialistes britanniques n’ont jusqu’à présent jamais eu à contrôler leur propre classe ouvrière et leurs travailleurs par le fascisme. Le problème international d’aujourd’hui est l’impérialisme, pas le fascisme. Le fascisme est un problème national dans certains pays du monde, et il est très limité.
Aujourd’hui, la lutte révolutionnaire à l’échelle mondiale que les forces communistes internationales doivent mener est la lutte anti-impérialiste.
Les forces communistes internationales doivent maintenir leur propre identité en tant que forces révolutionnaires de la classe ouvrière dans leurs propres pays, cependant, en même temps, elles doivent construire des fronts unis ralliant d’autres forces sous la bannière de l’anti-impérialisme et mener des actions communes à la fois dans leurs propres pays et au niveau international. C’est-à-dire former le front uni anti-impérialiste mondial et développer l’action commune anti-impérialiste mondiale.
La plate-forme mondiale anti-impérialiste doit jouer le rôle de locomotive pour organiser ce front uni et cette action commune. Dans les conditions actuelles de la guerre anti-impérialiste menée en Europe de l’Est et avec l’approche imminente d’une guerre anti-impérialiste décisive en Asie de l’Est, nous sommes confiants que les forces anti-impérialistes mondiales ainsi que les forces communistes internationales peuvent finalement faire avancer glorieusement la victoire de la révolution anti-impérialiste mondiale en jouant le rôle politique le plus important dans l’organisation de la large classe ouvrière et des masses laborieuses comme un seul homme, et dans leur mobilisation puissante dans une lutte qui frappe les forces impérialistes de manière décisive.
