Miloš Karavezic | New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Serbia)
Today, the humanity finds itself at the turning point in history. With the start of the WWIII, which began in February 2022 after the escalation of the war in Ukraine, the relative “peaceful” period of capitalist development has ended, and the era of open, military struggle between imperialism and anti-imperialist countries and movements began. The working class and the communist parties as its vanguard are the only forces who can use the given situation and turn the struggle against imperialism into the socialist revolution. In order to succeed, the communists and the working class as a whole need to act as conscious, historical subjects―they need to follow clear strategy and implement tactics based on the scientific analysis of the development and contradictions between imperialist and anti-imperialist forces, as well as within the imperialist camp itself.
Imperialism today and its contradictions
In order to successfully define and implement the anti-imperialist strategy, we must first understand the imperialist camp in its contemporary form, as well as to analyze its essence and the driving forces that determine its historical development. It must be noted that the development of imperialist camp is not an isolated process, rather it has been interconnected with its opposite, the socialist and anti-imperialist countries and movements.
The contemporary imperialism started to develop in its current shape after WWII. With the victory of early socialist countries over fascism, and the subsequent socialist and anti-colonial revolutions affecting dozens of countries all over the world, the weakened imperialist countries and their dependencies regrouped under the undisputed hegemony of the United States. Unlike the period before and during WWI, where the contradiction existed between the two imperialist alliances, or the WWII where the struggle was fought between fascism and the USSR allied with “liberal- democratic” imperialist countries (USA, United Kingdom and France), the historical development of both the Cold War and the ongoing WW3 is shaped by the fight between imperialist and anti-imperialist camp. Following this logic, the WWI can be characterized as an inter-imperialist, the WWII as an antifascist, while the Cold War and particularly the WW3 is an anti-imperialist one. After the temporary fall of early socialist states in Eastern Europe, it seemed that the victory and subsequent hegemony of so-called “Western imperialism” is final. Some bourgeois ideologues, like Francis Fukuyama, even declared <the end of history>. At that time, during the 1990-s and early 2000-s, the imperialist camp, mostly through NATO interventions and coloured “revolutions”, was able to suppress majority of those who opposed its predatory politics―the examples of which being American invasion of Iraq (2003), the NATO intervention in Libya (2011) and NATO aggression on FR Yugoslavia (1999) and the subsequent counterrevolution in October 2000. Under the banner of “protection of human rights and democracy”, imperialists and their allies killed thousands of peoples and destroyed once prosperous and self-reliant economies, turning them into the perfect ground for extracting raw materials and cheap labour force.
However, the temporary victory of imperialist camp was a Pyrrhic one, since it led to the further sharpening of the contradictions which will ultimately lead to its demise.
The first contradiction is that between the labour and capital. Ever since the 1990-s, the regimes in so-called “Western democracies” are becoming more and more reactionary. The temporary fall of socialism in Eastern Europe, as well as the subsequent deindustrialization of the ex-socialist countries led to the weakening of the labour movement. This in turn led to the gradual withdrawal of the rights workers have gained in previous decades, the dissolution of so-called “welfare states” as well as the destruction of “democratic” institutions and processes that were once established by the liberal bourgeoisie itself. We currently find ourselves at the end of this process―therefore, the young members of the working class are becoming more and more aware of the exploitative nature and inadequacy of capitalism. The “victory” of capital over labour at the end leads to the increased revolutionary potential, even in the countries of imperialist center.
The second contradiction is the one between the countries of imperialist center and the dependent countries of periphery. The exploitation of majority of underdeveloped countries fuels the imperialist machine. Contrary to the dogmatic views of bourgeois ideologues and propagandists, the aim of imperialist system is not to erase, but maintain and further deepen the inequality between the “First world” and “Third world” nations. With the sharpening of the capitalist crisis the economic, but also political and military pressure put on the populations of the dependent countries is increasing day by day. Since the big capital have already conquered all markets of the ex-socialist countries, as well as because of the resistance by the anti-imperialist nations, its space for further expansion is fairly limited. The imperialist desire to extract more and more superprofits from dependent nations reveals its monstrous nature more openly and clearly, which leads to the rise of anti-colonial and national liberation movements across the imperial periphery. With the success of anti-imperialist struggle in those countries―the examples of which being Venezuela, Bolivia and in more recent times Niger, the capitalist crisis further deepens. This in turn means the further loss of superprofits that the bourgeoisie of the imperialist center uses to bribe its own working class and ensure “peace at home”. Having this in mind, it is clear that the anti-colonial struggle for independence also benefits the working class and the revolutionary movement in countries like USA, UK, France or Germany.
The third contradiction is the one between imperialism itself and the socialist, progressive and anti-imperialist capitalist nations (collectively referred to as “anti-imperialist camp”). This camp emerged after the victory over fascism and the subsequent socialist and anti-colonial revolutions around the world, which were supported by the USSR and other socialist nations. Nowadays, it consists of early-socialist countries like China, DPRK, Cuba, Vietnam and Laos; progressive nations who conducted or are currently waging the anti-imperialist and anti-colonial struggle like Venezuela, Syria, Belarus, Palestine, Bolivia and Nicaragua and the capitalist countries whose bourgeoisie, due to dissatisfaction with their current position, opposes hegemony of the Western imperialism. The ongoing World War 3 is actually the war between the imperialist and anti-imperialist camp. At this moment, the open battles are waged in Ukraine between capitalist Russia and NATO, as well as in Gaza between Israel, the US puppet, and the people of Gaza supported by the countries like Iran and Syria. As the contradictions between imperialist and anti-imperialist camp are sharpening, there is an expectation that the new fronts will be open, primarily in South Korea and Taiwan, as well as in the Balkans region. It is worth mentioning that every victory of the anti-imperialist camp also benefits anti-imperialist movements in dependent countries. The example of Chinese initiatives in Africa shows that this socialist country tends reduce dependence from the West and in turn to develop necessary conditions for the successful anti-colonial and socialist revolutions through African continent. Similarly, the victory of Russia in Ukraine has a potential to improve the position of Easter European countries (like Serbia) by reducing their economic dependence of the West, but also to subvert military pressure imposed by NATO (for example, the victory of Russia in the Ukrainian war would be a step closer to the end of NATO occupation in Kosovo and Metohija).
The leading role and the tasks of communists in the struggle against imperialism
It must be stressed that the aforementioned contradictions do not imply some kind of mechanical processes that are happening on their own, independent of or even against the will and action of real historical subjects. On contrary, every battle, on national or international level highly depends on the so-called “subjective factor”. Although the developments analysed above provide a framework of action, the outcome of every struggle can vary between the victory and the defeat of anti-imperialist forces. In order to conduct the effective struggle and to destroy the might of imperialism as soon as possible, we must examine the aforementioned subjects and define tactical approach to each of them.
In the struggle against imperialism, especially in the framework of WW3, there are several classes whose interests, at least at the current moment, are aligned with the weakening and/or complete destruction of the imperialist camp. As communists, it is our task to understand the interests of different classes and, according to this analysis, define our tactical approach. Since we are forced to create alliances, even temporary ones, we must foresee which allies, and under which conditions, will change their side and eventually align themselves with their former enemies (the imperialists).
Firstly, there are the capitalist classes of anti-imperialist countries. The bourgeoisie of these countries were able to, on a national level, create monopolies relatively independent from those of the imperialist camp. Their success is the result of the specific conditions their countries find themselves in, as well as the fact that capitalism, besides concentration of capital, also tends to create new monopolies in relatively young industries. The example of bourgeoisie in Russia shows that in some cases their independent position is also the result of the formations, economic and military infrastructure established during socialist period. The main interest of this type of bourgeoisie is not the complete destruction of imperialism, let alone the socialist revolution in their countries. The main reason why they oppose the imperialist camp is that they are not satisfied with their position within it. They would be willing to support imperialism, but not under current, unfavourable conditions. They have no interest in bringing the fight to an end―rather, they are swilling to make concessions half way through. Therefore, the communists need to pay special attention when allying such forces―the task of the communists is to force them to conduct the struggle as far as the conditions allow and to foresee their eventual betrayal, in order to isolate them from the movement and ensure their defeat as well.
The second subject that has a prominent role in the struggle for or against imperialism are the wide stratum of petty bourgeoisie. This class is mostly disorganized and usually serves as a reserve to either their national bourgeoisie (imperialist or not) or the working class. On the one hand, since they cannot hope for the more privileged position under imperialist system, their main interest is complete defeat of imperialism and the establishment of independent, democratic governments. On the other hand, historically, they have proven themselves to be the biggest reserve of reactionary and fascist regimes, due benefits and concessions promised by the big capital. It is the task of communists to sway the petty bourgeois elements to their side and to use them as a reserve force in the struggle against imperialism, and later capitalism. Just like the Bolshevik Revolution was not possible without support, or at least non-opposition of the peasant class, so is with the contemporary struggle against imperialism, which cannot be victorious if reactionary/fascist/pro-imperialist movements have access to this vast petty bourgeois reserve. If the vanguard of the working class aims to “remain pure” and not to engage with other members of popular strata, its struggle is destined to fail.
The third and the most revolutionary subject is the working class itself. It is the only class which, due to the laws of development of production forces, has a complete interest not only in defeat of imperialism, but also overthrow of the power of bourgeoisie and establishing socialism, and later communism. The main task of the working class is to transfer the struggle against imperialism into the socialist revolution. For communists, as the working class vanguard, it is important to guide the workers into the leading force of anti-imperialist struggle. Only with the working class at the forefront can the struggle be successful and brought to its end. If the communists, and consequently the working class, are trailing on the tail of the movement, if they let bourgeoisie to take primacy in the struggle, the struggle will inevitably fail. On the other hand, if the workers manage to mobilise the vast reserves of petty bourgeoisie, as well as to use temporary alliance with anti-imperialist bourgeoise to their own benefit, they will be able to navigate through different stages of revolution, from anti-imperialist struggle for independence to the socialist revolution.
The specific tasks of anti-imperialist forces in different countries
While the strategic goals of anti-imperialists remain the same through all over the world (the defeat of the imperialist camp led by the United States), tactical approach can vary from country to country, depending on specific objective and subjective conditions.
In the countries of imperialist centre, such as those of Western Europe and North America, the main tactical goal of anti-imperialist forces is the defeat of their own nations in battles of WW3. The relations and contradictions mentioned above prove that the working class of one country cannot be free as long as it oppresses another nation. Every defeat that makes the extraction of superprofits harder to the bourgeois class is one step closer to the defeat of given bourgeoisie.
In the countries that are dependent on imperialism, the main goal is the struggle for independence and expulsion of foreign troops and capital. The anti-imperialist forces, and especially the communists, must create broad popular fronts, which will, depending on conditions, comprise working class in their forefront, petty bourgeois elements, but also some layers of bourgeoisie who also suffer under the imperialist yoke. South Korea can be used as an example―the main objective of Korean anti-imperialist forces is the national liberation, withdrawal of the US troops from Korean peninsula and the establishment of a democratic government. Similarly, the main objective for the anti-imperialist and communist forces is Serbia is to end the occupation of Kosovo and Metohija, as well as to establish the government that will abandon so-called “EU integration” and cooperation with NATO.
While the main goal of anti-imperialist forces in imperialist countries is to ensure defeat, the main goal of such forces in anti-imperialist countries is to ensure unconditional and total victory. In the case of socialist countries this task is fairly clear, but in the case of capitalist countries like Russia, the task is little more complicated. The working class of such countries must prevent the borugeoisie from making concessions and agreements with the enemy. At the same time, they need to strengthen the working class and to prepare for the inevitable moment of betreyal by the capitalist class. When such moment approaches, the task of the working class is to overthrow capitalists and establish democratic or socialist government.
Conclusion
The battles of WW3 still lie ahead of us. The struggle against imperialism is currently waged on the battlefields, but also in the theoretical domain against bourgeois theories and propaganda, as well as opportunistic elements inside our movement. Both of these struggles, theoretical and practical one, are not easy. We are aware, though, that our only option is struggle and victory against imperialist criminals―if we give up the fight, we are giving up our future and even our lives.
In order to gather, organize and properly direct the anti-imperialist forces, the World Anti- Imperialist Platform is formed. During year and a half of its existence, it proved itself as one of the few initiatives that has real potential to threaten the hegemony of the USA, as well as to develop theoretical basis that can answer the needs of the contemporary movement. We, the communist and anti-imperialist forces must continue to organize ourselves, to coordinate our struggle and to further engage in theoretical, scientific discussion which is based not on the wish to describe the world, but on the need to make real and practical changes, the ones that will lead to the victory against imperialism, as well as capitalism.
